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He was a true Renaissance scholar who understood the theoretical frameworks, central ideas, methods, and data pertinent to each of the subfields of anthropology and related disciplines. His work reflected that comprehension. At the same time, he focused on individual researchers and their needs. Professor Schaedel was a preeminent Latin Americanist and a leading Andeanist. InDick Schaedel earned an M. Murra established a long scholarly relationship.
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In Schaedel obtained a doctorate from Yale University. His dissertation advisor there, Wendell C. Bennett, stressed a unified four-field approach to anthropology which included strong grounding in cultural and physical anthropology, as well as in archaeology and linguistics. This was not a study of museum material only. Between and Dick conducted field research in Bolivia, and on Peru s north and central coasts, supported by grants from the U.
As an institution builder, Dick Schaedel was highly successful. During he conducted archaeological field reconnaissance in Northern Chile from Arica to La Serena supported by a Smith-Mundt grant, given to disseminate information about the United States abroad. In he extended his preliminary archaeological surveys to the area around Santiago and to the Chilean central coast.
In Dick began to focus his work on applied anthropology by joining the United States Department of State as an intelligence research specialist, a position he held until the next year when he became an anthropologist for the International Cooperation Administration ICA. Department of State a, b, c, d, e. In USOM transferred him to Haiti where he worked as a community analyst until The Kennedy Administration re-organized United States foreign aid efforts, and as a result, Dick completed his State Department career by serving the newly-founded Agency for International Development as an anthropologist in Caracas, Venezuela, studying that country s agrarian reform while operating national community development programs.
Throughout the s and 70s Dick continued to do consulting work for various Latin American and Haitian development projects. In Dick Schaedel was hired by the University of Texas at Austin and remained associated with that institution for the rest of his life, retiring as professor emeritus. At first he worked as a lecturer in the Department of Anthropology. From on he was a professor in the Department of Anthropology. From the s to the s Dick Schaedel influenced the direction of Andean studies through his editorial work.
From to he was American Antiquity s assistant editor for highland South America. From to he was on the editorial board of the Journal of InterAmerican Studies. In addition he edited publications for Texas s Institute of Latin American Studies and at least ten stand-alone volumes Escobar et al. From Dick was professionally active in Germany. He continued research there in with a National Endowment for the Humanities grant.
Dick Schaedel also worked in Spain. There his topic was Spanish and Andean magico-religious systems. Dick Schaedel continued to spend considerable time in Latin America, holding prestigious fellowships and professorships there as well. From to he was a National Endowment for the Humanities senior research fellow in Peru and investigated ethnic continuities on Peru s North Coast. Between semesters, inSchaedel conducted research on water control systems and the ecology of Peru s north coast with ILAS support.
He continued these studies the following year with a Fulbright grant. In he applied a Mellon Grant to research in the Archeology Museum of the University of Trujillo, Peru, work he continued in with support from the University of Texas. In he gathered soil samples and conducted aerial photo reconnaissance of the north coast of Peru. He made each of us feel important as anthropologists with worthy projects. During his tenure at Texas, Schaedel enabled individual researchers and students to grow, develop, and connect with other scientific disciplines.
At the same time, he worked vigorously to preserve and promote the integration of anthropology as a whole. He was our mentor, colleague, and friend.
He always encouraged new directions in interdisciplinary anthropology. In his modesty, Dick was unlike the image of the hero-anthropologist I expected to find when I first met him as a graduate student.
Instead, he was remarkable for his friendly and often humorous manner, especially during his cocktail hour after graduate seminars. He never tried to impress us with his own experience, or impose it on our discussions. He was free of arrogance, and in a large department at the University of Texas, which often was swept by egos and tensions, Dick remained unruffled and usually aloof from its politics.
He maintained this same unpretentious presentation, even as, in later years, his position and reputation surpassed those of many of his colleagues. With his dissertation on Recuay statues, found in the highlands of Peru, and his later archeological studies of cities and polities on Peru s north coast, Schaedel became a leading figure in Andean studies and made substantial anthropological contributions to our understand- 5 ANDEAN PAST 8 - 48 ing of state development and preindustrial urbanism.
He was one of the first Andeanists to examine important themes such as ceremonial and population centers, as well as political power and urbanism, and the differing forms of secular and sacred leadership in northern Peru, processual trends in urbanization, the redistributive function in central Andean economies, the city and the origin of the state, and hierarchy and reciprocity.
Schaedel rethought what some Andeanists call lo Andino by forcing us to move beyond the simple categories of reciprocity and understand the practices underlying hegemony and hierarchy as part of much more complex temporalities.
Richard Paul Schaedel ( )
He also contributed famously to the study of elite political behavior by his emphasis on the substantial properties of material and symbolic exchange systems and their political implications. This body of intellectual production expresses a personal vision, his willingness and ability to engage with the concrete, material, and sensual aspects of the Andean world too often rejected in the course of intellectual abstraction.
He always advocated an interdisciplinary approach that favored the integration of archeology, history, social anthropology, ethnohistory, geography, and linguistics.
Based on neo-evolutionary and occasionally processual approaches firmly grounded in anthropological theory, Schaedel examined the longterm development of chiefdoms, cities, states, and empires in the Andes.
He was particularly interested in the necessary and sufficient conditions of state development and in the mechanisms that accounted for ever increasing social inequality and political centralization throughout time and space.
He often illustrated how basic political and economic practices cycle and change during long diachronic sequences. Another major concern was the function of ceremonial centers and artistic representation in connecting diverse social groups and their belief systems beyond roles that were assigned by kinship and legitimized political orders. He was less interested in identifying the essentialized political structure and power of the Andean state.
For Dick, power was differentiated and distributed across both economic and political venues, with emphasis on the production of subsistence and surplus and the storage and distribution of reliable resources.
Dick was one of the first archeologists to introduce the concepts of polity, hegemony, centralization of power, hierarchical complexity, and wealth stratification to the study of complex societies in the Andes. In doing this, Dick raised several significant points about Andean ranking, social stratification, and sacred and profane venues of social power, themes that still weave their way through many studies today.
In relating these concepts to the Andes, most of his major publications took a top-down approach with an emphasis on the Moche, Chimu, and Inca. By emphasizing these particular societies, he shaped the histories of specific localities as opposed to more general models on the north coast of Peru and occasionally in the highlands.
However, Dick was not always intellectually confined to the Andes. Much of his work was comparative and interdisciplinary, drawing on textual, archeological and linguistic data from Mesoamerica, Mesopotamia, and China, especially when he explored the growth of cities and their implication for urban-rural relations. Although theoretically oriented, Dick was not explicit in his methodological approach to the study of textual and archeological data.
However, he consistently stressed the importance of not relying on one analytical scale of analysis i. From the s to the s Schaedel published some of the most significant and influential works on Andean regional anthropology.
He wrote over a hundred books, book chapters, articles, and reviews. After geographer Paul Kosok died inDick served as the scientific editor of Kosok s notes and photos, the basis for the well known book Life, Land and Water in Ancient Peru, published in Dick himself left behind a wealth of photographs and field notes, along with his entire library, the latter now catalogued and 6 49 - Dillehay: Unfortunately, Dick never wrote his magnum opus on the archeology of the north coast of Peru.
Many of his intellectual contributions could have been more effective if they had incorporated more systematized empirical data. Part of the problem is that the Andean field was embracing processualism at a time when Dick was increasingly interested in social theory.
I am pleased that Dick lived long enough to see how those now entering the ranks of the discipline are building upon the foundations he established.
I also am happy that I had the opportunity to work with him in the field. We visited every major site in each valley between the two cities. Not only did I learn a great deal from these mentors, I was overwhelmingly impressed by Dick s photographic memory of the names, locations, and lay-outs of hundreds of sites, many of which he had studied in the s and s.
His archeological knowledge of these places was almost incredible. Dick s numerous essays, which might appear unconnected and arbitrary to the causal reader, are, in fact, tightly bound by his attempt to reveal the nexus between what is seen on the ground including through aerial photography and what is understood.
Dick employed a wide range of interdisciplinary approaches to relate the past to the present and vice versa, all of which came together in his mind to form an Andean social imagery of transformative continuity from the past to the present.
Thus, the central themes of his classic papers on ceremonial centers, urbanism, and political organization revealed themselves to him in this manner as he envisioned nodal ties between artistic imagery, urban design, settlement pattern, disguised social process, and cultural continuity.
His understanding of Andean exchange systems e. In many ways, he anticipated the nexus that has become part of the more general phenomenon in contemporary Andean studies of a research focused on the changing social constructs of transitory city places. In his later years, Dick worked to establish cultural and economic independence for the Moche descendants on the north coast of Peru and to revive the Mochik language by publishing a dictionary.
Dick s personal qualities were central to his successes and social presence. There was little division in his life between private and professional. He incorporated both sides in the romantic project of personal becoming. In this, anthropology became his life.
Dick was deeply generous, not only materially and intellectually, but equally in his appreciation of people s quirky qualities and in his ability to accept them. Despite the intensity of his commitment to intellectual life, he had a remarkable capacity to emphasize the positive.
His orientation towards pleasure, and even ambition, gave him an extraordinary and, at times, an awkward capacity for joy as well as an attention to growth and change, and also a basic trust in himself and what he knew.
Dick never doubted what he saw and thought. It is the only site that has provided metal objects in suff icient quantity and with enough attention to spatial and temporal context to permit strong hypotheses about 1 See pp. This number is approximate because of variable recording systems and standards. It excludes beads, which are sometimes counted and at other times identif ied only as bracelets or necklaces. Map of Panama, showing location of archaeological sites, modern towns and prominent geographical features 93 Gold in Pre-Columbian Panama their numerical and qualitative relationship to human remains and to other categories of mortuary arts and, therefore, about their relevance to such a multifarious concept as power.
Sitio Conte was excavated more than seven decades ago. All the sites in Table 1 contained some human remains. In only two excavations did people with a specialized training in physical anthropology handle aging and sexing. It is not clear who was responsible for aging and sexing the skeletons during the Harvard excavations at Sitio Conte between and Briggs We propose that power subsumes the following: In deference to the a priori assumption that metallurgy was a specialized craft and, hence, conferred a degree of power on the artisan Helms This leads forthwith to the second question: Who acquired and exchanged gold?
The third question is: Who used gold ornaments and how were they displayed? Most archaeologists including Richard Cooke [Cooke and Bray Briggs ; has chided us for such intemperance while pointing out three important patterns in the excavation record; a few other items, such as whale teeth, were equally as valuable as gold. Some categories of gold artifacts, such as embossed plaques, 2 John Corning participated in J.
The mere fact that someone wore a gold ornament does not necessarily mean that he or she exercised power. Also popular in Intermediate Area archaeology is attributing gold ornaments to intellectual power, for example, to shamanism and healing Saunders, in this volume; Reichel-Dolmatoff Archaeology and ethnohistory suggest, however, that in Pre-Columbian Panama gold was worn primarily for display, which can be construed as the opposite of esoteric behavior.
Attributing meanings to prehistoric objects and images is predicated upon the accuracy of archaeological context and the appropriateness of analogies, making this a very diff icult topic. Two groups of gold artifacts cast f igurine pendants and embossed plaques with anthropomorphic images allude to the advertisement of power on a dual plane supernatural and real.
In our discussion of their meaning, we consider ornaments for which there are no f ield records. All over Castilla del Oro. Gold is found everywhere, but naturally in some places it is more plentiful than in others.
The absence of any such local industry. The copper ring was found inside a package at the bottom of the feature, which contained an adult and a pre-adult. Isaza hypothesizes that the second layer was attached to the original cast metal by pressure and re-heating in order to mend it, while Lechtman suggess that this was done in order to produce contrasting surface colors along the edges.Juan Romero, el orfebre del arte en plata (Parte II)
In the Americas, the intentional use of native platinum has been documented only in the La Tolita-Esmeraldas archaeological region on the Pacif ic coast of northern Ecuador and southern Colombia, where platinum was plated onto metal surfaces in order to bring out surface color Scott and Bray Feature 16 was probably used more than once. No intact clay vessels were found in it, and sherds in the f ill are not typologically diagnostic.
The fragmentary metal probably represents once-intact ornaments that were buried in an earlier feature no. Platinum, however, has been reported as a trace element in the Cerro Colorado and Petaquilla ore deposits in Panama see p.
Available archaeological data cannot determine whether local people traveled to Colombia or Ecuador to learn the trade Helms Much better control over the provenience and dating of gold ornaments is required to develop this topic. Mineral Deposits in Panama Before continuing this discussion about where gold ornaments were made and by whom, we shall pause to consider whether Panama possesses suff icient quantities and types of mineral resources to sustain local workshops for large numbers of costume and sumptuary items wrought in malleable auriferous metals.
The following pages, maps, and tables will collate geological data on the distribution and nature of the mineral constituents of PreColumbian metal artifacts—gold, silver, copper, and platinum—with the few professional metallurgical analyses that have been applied to Panamanian Pre-Columbian gold artifacts.
Since the Spanish conquest, gold has been mined from veins in quartz and andesite lodes vetas or obtained from lavaderos near placers: Cooke based on photographs by R. The sources we have consulted suggest that the most important vein deposits of gold are those listed in Table 2 see pp.
The principal vein is 2— 2. The gold is f ine, but of good quality. In the s, the British-owned Veraguan Mining Company processed it with cyanide and dug extensive tunnels. When the mine was closed during the Depression it had not been exhausted. They abandoned it because gold prices fell worldwide. Placer mining operations at the Quebrada Barrera, Caribbean Veraguas, Cooke ; b Extraction of f luvial gravel in a search for gold.
The arrow points to the auriferous deposits, which are below the horizontal white line photo by R. Cooke ; c Raw materials for metalsmiths from Sitio Conte: Gold-bearing f luvial gravels are widespread in Panama: United Nations survey reports and maps indicate that gold is present in river gravels virtually throughout the isthmus.
During the sixteenth century missions were opened in the Changuinola valley then known as La Estrella in order to Hispanicize native peoples who interfered with placer gold extraction Castillero Calvo Figure 3 identif ies settlements that from time to time have acted as centers for placer mining operations during colonial and republican times. The value of the effort expended on them often in inaccessible now-forested areas is strongly dependent upon world-wide gold prices. It was the UN explorations of the s and s, however, that conf irmed the ubiquity of copper and 10 A precise location for Real Minera de La Palma has not been found.
It was supposedly located along the Palmilla s River, which runs west of the Petaquilla Fig. For Nueva Lisboa and La Trinidad, see note The surface deposits of Petaquilla and Botija, in the heart of the contact period trading district of Veragua, cover two square kilometers Esquivel n.
The original UN survey report determined that the copper is not found in veins but is disseminated in all rock types. Silver as a geographic diagnostic.