Walesa. Man of Hope - Wikipedia
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Nobel Prize Recipient Lech Walesa to be Interviewed on Vme TV
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The Gdansk Agreement, signed on 31st August,gave Polish workers the right to strike and to organise their own independent union.
In DecemberJaruzelski imposed martial law and Solidarnosc was declared an illegal organization. Soon afterwards Walesa and other trade union leaders were arrested and imprisoned.
In November Walesa was released and allowed to work in the Gdansk shipyards. Martial law was lifted in Julybut there were still considerable restrictions on individual freedom.
Later that year, in the recognition of the role he was playing in Poland's non-violent revolution, Walesa was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize. Reformers in Poland were helped by the fact that Mikhail Gorbachev had gained power in the Soviet Union.
In Gorbachev made it clear he would no longer interfere in the domestic policies of other countries in Eastern Europe. Wojciech Jaruzelski was now forced to negotiate with Walesa and the trade union movement.
This resulted in parliamentary elections and a noncommunist government and in Solidarnosc became a legal organization. He was not a success and his critics claimed he developed an authoritarian style in running the country. His behaviour was erratic and he was criticised for his close links with the military and security services.
In November Walesa was defeated by the former communist, Aleksander Kwasniewski. The world reacted with silence or with mere sympathy when Polish frontiers were crossed by invading armies and the sovereign state had to succumb to brutal force. Our national history has so often filled us with bitterness and the feeling of helplessness. But this was, above all, a great lesson in hope.
Thanking you for the award I would like, first of all, to express my gratitude and my belief that it serves to enhance the Polish hope. The hope of the nation which throughout the nineteenth century had not for a moment reconciled itself with the loss of independence, and fighting for its own freedom, fought at the same time for the freedom of other nations.
Juan Manuel Santos
The hope whose elations and downfalls during the past forty years - i. And if I permit myself at this juncture and on this occasion to mention my own life, it is because I believe that the prize has been granted to me as to one of many.
My youth passed at the time of the country's reconstruction from the ruins and ashes of the war in which my nation never bowed to the enemy paying the highest price in the struggle.
I belong to the generation of workers who, born in the villages and hamlets of rural Poland, had the opportunity to acquire education and find employment in industry, becoming in the course conscious of their rights and importance in society.
Those were the years of awakening aspirations of workers and peasants, but also years of many wrongs, degradations and lost illusions. I was barely 13 years old when, in Junethe desperate struggle of the workers of Poznan for bread and freedom was suppressed in blood.
Thirteen also was the boy - Romek Strzalkowski - who was killed in the struggle. It was the "Solidarity" union which 25 years later demanded that tribute be paid to his memory. In December when workers' protest demonstrations engulfed the towns of the Baltic coast, I was a worker in the Gdansk Shipyard and one of the organizers of the strikes.
The memory of my fellow workers who then lost their lives, the bitter memory of violence and despair has become for me a lesson never to be forgotten.
Share To put it mildly, Werner Herzog has his own take on things, so it comes as no surprise that one of the most recent projects by the prolific international director does not follow the rules of normal political biography.
Over a six-month period, and without a prepared script, Herzog conducted three interviews with former Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev that covered a multitude of topics, some of it geopolitical, much of it personal, and more than a little of it highly idiosyncratic. President Ronald Reagan over the nuclear arms race, and navigating the tumultuous years of Glasnost.
As the film makes its Eastern European premiere at the Ji. The film was successful, so MDR invited me to devise a new film with them. Access to Gorbachev was complicated by the fact that he was — and is — in ill-health, and was further complicated by on-going negotiations he was holding about a possible feature film with a Hollywood studio. Visiting his institute in Moscow [The Gorbachev Foundation] and talking to his closest advisors was an important prerequisite to getting the team in Moscow to agree that we were sincere in our ambitions and, in particular, that we wanted to approach the access to Gorbachev differently.
That this would not be a political biography but an attempt to get to understand Gorbachev as a human-being with personal likes and dislikes. More of an emotional portrait than a comprehensive history. When did Werner come on board as the interviewer, and why was he the right choice? It was at this point that I brought my long-standing relationship with Werner into play.
I knew that if I was to co-direct with Werner and have him conduct the central interviews with Gorbachev, we would achieve a different and original perspective. Werner was keen to join me, and Gorbachev was happy with the idea.