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Spiritual but not any particular religion, believe in Karma, most closely aligned to Jainism Buddhism. It increased the likelihood of spontaneous walkouts in the productive sector of the economy, as in The government was forced to accept the fact that its wretched manoeuvres had failed to break the movement, and, as a result though not without a few final contortions, it withdrew the CPE on 10th April.

The Theses in fact envisaged the possibility that the government would not give way. That said, the epilogue to the crisis, which saw the government retreat in this way, confirms their central idea: It is of the greatest importance that the actors of this magnificent struggle make this treasure bear fruit, by drawing out all the lessons of this experience, in both its strengths and its weaknesses.

Above all, they need to bring into the open the perspective that society is faced with, a perspective already contained in the struggle they have just undertaken: Like the struggle which is coming to an end, this reflection needs to be undertaken collectively, through debate, new assemblies, discussion circles as open as the general assemblies were to all who want to take part, and in particular to the political organisations that support the struggle of the working class.

This collective reflection will only be possible if its actors maintain the same fraternal attitudes of unity and solidarity that dominated in the struggle. It is at least as important as the struggles of autumn against the reform of the Social Security system and as the one in the public sector in Spring on the issue of pensions.

This affirmation may seem paradoxical, since it is not wage earners that are mobilising today except for those participating in a certain number of days of action and demonstrations on February 7th, March 7th, March 18th and March 28th but a sector of society that has not yet entered the field of work, young people in further education.

However, this in no way puts into question the profoundly proletarian nature of this movement. This is for the following reasons: The general assemblies are the heart of the movement 2 The profoundly proletarian character of the movement is also demonstrated in the forms of struggle adopted, notably the sovereign general assemblies which express a real life that has nothing to do with the caricatures of general assemblies so often called by the unions. There was clearly a great heterogeneity among the various universities at this level.

Some assemblies were still very similar in many ways to union assemblies, while others were the living centre of an intense process of reflection, with a high degree of involvement and maturity on the part of the participants.

This had led to the departure of a lot of students. There was also the problem that the key decisions were being taken by student union members or political organisations. Over the first two weeks of the movement, the dominant tendency was the presence of more and more students in the assemblies and their increasingly active participation in the discussions, with a corresponding diminution in the intervention of the union members and the political organisations.

The fact that the assemblies were taking increasing control of their own activities was clearly expressed by the fact that the students at the presidium organising the debates tended less and less to be those with union or political affiliations and more and more to be individuals with no affiliations or any real experience before the movement started.

It is important to note that the tendency existed for the second type of assembly to be replaced by the former.

Capitulo 20. Regreso y derrumbe.

One of the important aspects of this evolution was the participation of student delegates from one university in the assemblies of other universities. This, in addition to reinforcing the feelings of strength and solidarity between the different assemblies, has allowed those assemblies that were more hesitant to gain inspiration from the advances being made by those in the forefront.

From the start the assemblies called on people in the universities teachers, technicians or office staff — the IATOS to come and participate and to join the struggle, but they went even further. Opening assemblies up to people who are not employed in the company or in the sector immediately involved, not only as observers but as active participants, is an extremely important aspect of the movement of the working class. It is clear that when a decision has to be taken requiring a vote, it may be necessary to resort to certain ways of working so that only the people who belong to the productive or geographical unit that the assembly is based upon participate in making decisions.

To this end, a method used by many of the student assemblies was to count the student cards different from one university to another held up, not raised hands. The question of the openness of the assemblies is a crucial one for the struggle and for the working class. The opening of the assemblies allows the most advanced elements of the class, and especially the revolutionary organisations, to contribute to the development of consciousness by the workers in struggle; and in the history of the class struggle this has always constituted a dividing line between currents who defend a proletarian orientation and those who defend capitalist order.

There are numerous examples. Among the most significant is that of the Congress of Workers' Councils in mid-December in Berlin, after the November uprising of the soldiers and workers against the war had obliged the German bourgeoisie not only to bring the war to an end but also to get rid of the Kaiser and to hand political power over to the Social Democratic party.

Because of the immaturity of consciousness within the working class, along with the methods used for appointing the delegates, this Congress was dominated by the Social Democrats who forbade the representatives of the Russian revolutionary soviets, and Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Leibknecht, the two most eminent figures of the revolutionary movement, from taking part, under the pretext that they were not workers.

This Congress took the decision in the end to hand over all its power to the government led by the Social Democracy, a government that was to assassinate Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Leibknecht a month later. At its congress certain French leaders, like the bronze engraver Tolain, attempted to impose the rule that "only workers are allowed to vote at the congress" — a rule chiefly aimed at Karl Marx and his closest comrades.

At the time of the Paris Commune inMarx was one of its most ardent defenders while Tolain was in Versailles in the ranks of those responsible for crushing the Commune, with the massacre of 30, workers. Unlike andthe bourgeoisie was surprised by the movement 4 One of the most important characteristics of the current episode of the class struggle in France is that it took all the sectors of the bourgeoisie and its political apparatus right wing and left wing parties and union organisations almost totally by surprise.

This is something that allows us to understand both the vitality and the depth of the movement as well as the extremely delicate situation that the ruling class in France is in at this time. In this respect we have to make a clear distinction between the present movement and the massive struggles in the autumn of and in the spring of These workers were the spearhead of the mobilisation.

A few days before Christmas, with the strikes a few weeks old, the government withdrew its special schemes for pensions leading, after an appeal by the unions, to a return to work in the sectors concerned. This return in the sectors most directly affected signified the end of the movement in all the other sectors.

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For their part, most of the unions apart from the CFDT had acted in a very militant way, calling for the extension of the movement and holding regular general assemblies. However, with the government's withdrawal of its special pension schemes, the unions were able to dress the defeat up as a victory, enabling them to refurbish their image, tarnished by their repeated sabotage of workers' struggles during the s.

The mobilisation in in the public sector was in response to the decision to increase the minimum number of years worked for entitlement to a full pension. Teachers in general were not targeted by this latter measure, but they felt particularly affected by an attack on their colleagues and by the mobilisation of the latter.

In addition, the decision to raise the minimum number of years in work to 40 years or even longer for some sectors of the working class who because of the time they have to spend in training cannot begin to work before the age of 23 or even 25 years meant that they will have to continue working in even more punishing and exhausting conditions well beyond the legal age of retirement at Although he had a different style to that of Juppe, Prime Minister Jean-Pierre Raffarin talked tough in the same way, declaring that "It's not the street that rules".

Finally, despite the combativity of the education sector workers and their tenacity some endured 6 weeks on strikedespite demonstrations that were among the biggest since May 68, the movement was unable to push back the government. All that happened was that the latter decided, when the mobilisation began to weaken, to go back on particular measures that affected non-teaching personnel from the education establishments, so as to destroy the unity that had developed between the various professional groupings and thus undermine the dynamic of the mobilisation.

The inevitable return to work among the personnel of the schools signified the end of the movement; as init had not succeeded in pushing back the main attack of the government, the one against pensions. The political weakness of the French right 5 We can summarise the main characteristics of the attacks against the working class in and as follows: Regarding the current mobilisation, a number of facts are clear: It has used the provisions of the Constitution that allow it to by-pass parliament and decided to do this at a time when the schools and colleges were closed for the holidays.

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