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Editorial - 1/ Offenes Heft | Zeithistorische Forschungen

View the Prior Message in h-german's July logs by: [date] [author] [thread] Editor's Subject: REV: Port on "Zeithistorische Forschungen" of an online version of the printed journal (ordendelsantosepulcro.info) that. When further enquiries of the photo archivist revealed the date, his proud pose gained is situated, and using those encounters to help structure the online space. fellowship at the Zentrum für Zeithistorische Forschung (ZZF) in Potsdam. Although many internet users equate 'the web' with 'the internet', the two are not .. the date of publication as well as the start and stop time of a programme.

It is subjective in the sense that a number of decisions have to be made by whoever is performing the archiving institution, scholar: Where should the archiving start and stop?

Should specific file types be included or excluded?

Editorial - 1/2015: Offenes Heft

Is the crawler software allowed to retrieve files from web servers outside the ini-tial starting points? And the archived website is a reconstruction in the sense that it has to be assembled by the use of all the archived bits and pieces, first when they are archived, and later when the material has to be displayed for the user of the archive. Thus, it could be argued that the archived website did not exist before it entered the archive, and in this respect it differs significantly from other media types.

No matter by whom and where a newspaper is taken out of circulation or the record button on the tape recorder is pressed, the archived material is identical to the original just as all copies are identical. Selection criteria may differ, but once it is decided what to archive the archiving process does not in itself create different versions.

Second, the archived website is almost always deficient. On the one hand a number of technical problems may arise, thus creating deficient copies: This problem can be illustrated by an example: I began at the first level, the front page, on which I could read that the Danish badminton player Camilla Martin would play in the finals half an hour later.

But on the front page of this section, I could already read the result of the badminton finals she lost. The website was — as a whole — not the same as when I had started; it had changed in the time it took to archive it, and I could now read the result on the front page where the match had previously only been announced. In this sense, the web archive could turn out to have too little or too much web material, and it can be very hard to determine with certainty what the online web actually looked like at a specific point in time.

What we are witnessing here is that even in the age of digital reproduction, we are not only making copies. Although the web historian is definitely better off when the web has been archived than when it is missing, even the archived web may cause a number of problems when it is used as a historical source. As suggested above, a web archive is almost always incomplete. In this respect it does not differ from any other archive or collection, since a complete archive is very much an exception — coincidences as to what to include or the deliberate as well as unintended destruction of material have always been the order of the day when making and maintaining archives.

However, in many cases a web archive is incomplete in such a way that it is hard to determine if something is missing at all, and if so, what and where. Since these shortcomings are an inherent part of the process of archiving, the archived website mostly does not communicate or document these, and we usually do not have other sources to indicate what might be missing.

Let us now have a closer look at a few of the methodological consequences this entails. Web philology and source criticism. It is important to reconsider the distinction between sources that are handed down to the historian from the past and sources that are created. As I have shown above, the archived website is a reconstruction — it is created, not simply taken out of circulation; but it is not created in the same way as a retrospective research interview about the past, since it is not created independently and without any reference to the online website — on the contrary: The archived website is not a document about the web — like an interview in which the historian makes conversation with an interviewee about the web of the past — but rather a document of the web, that is, a document created by the use of the raw materials files, etc.

But instead of asking how the interviewee interprets the past or why he or she remembers one thing and forgets another, we have to establish why the archived website actually looks as it does: The ultimate aim of asking these questions is to give as well-argued an answer as possible to the question: Fortunately — and paradoxically — the web historian can find help in the fact that different versions of the same website may exist in the same or in different web archives. Since every archived website is a unique version and not an identical copy of what was once online, web historians may be able to clarify what the website looked like by comparing the different archived versions.

By doing this their task is in many ways similar to that of the philologist studying handwritten medieval manuscripts with a view to establishing which one is the original if any. Nevertheless, with the characteristics of the archived website in mind we are perhaps in need of supplementing the classical source criticism by a web philology.

The web historian is confronted with another cluster of methodological challenges when using archived web material, namely the problems that originate from the temporal character of the web archive — and its possible temporal inconsistency.

Two examples can illustrate this; the first focuses on the website, the other on the web sphere. This is often done by making a register.

For instance newspaper historians list the newspapers in a collection, just as a radio or television historian does with the programmes he or she intends to study. However trivial the making of a register may be for media historians, this is a much more complicated matter for web historians since they have to take a number of issues into consideration, one of which relates to the temporal problems of the archived website.

But with a register of websites the start and stop time as well as the interval between them are more complicated to determine in a clear-cut manner. Almost none were held liable, and few carried insurance. For dangerous moving violations that might lead to accidents, such as speeding, running lights and stop signs, and going the wrong way up one-way streets, impunity was widespread.

Over time, due to inflation, monetary penalties, when imposed, amounted to token fines. Speeding tickets that might have cost the equivalent of a few dollars in when the first national traffic code was promulgated, were, by the late s, the equivalent of mere pennies, and the city had a tendency to offer amnesty to all unpaid moving violations every few years, just to clear out the bureaucratic backlog. And corruption was widespread. When the employee bathrooms at the transit office were remodeled in the s, plumbers discovered that the drains were clogged with the evidence of infractions that had been conveniently flushed away for the price of a small bribe.

The elite mechanical domination of the street, despite ponderous legislation, proliferating signals and signage, and the consultation of scores of foreign experts, resulted in neither fast movement nor ordered streets. The car transformed the logradouro from a functional, multi-use place to a single-use, frequently non-functional space. Unlike in the days of the streetcar where all classes commuted together, the elite captured most of the street and gained a long-desired social separation.

That they had not solved the problem of movement was of significant concern, and over the course of the twentieth century, increasing the road stock, that is, creating more space for cars, was often one of the largest expenditures in city budgets.

A large portion of civic resources was thus dedicated to the motoring classes. By the s, residents were already describing their city streets in terms of a tragedy of the commons.

Automotive Enclosures | Zeithistorische Forschungen

This illustration partakes of an early and sustained critique of how the car had come to dominate the street, and yet popular criticism did little to challenge elite preferences. O Globo, Rio de Janeiro, 24 January The substantial social gap that emerged between motorists and pedestrians in Rio de Janeiro requires a comparative look at other developing world cities. In reality, many of the problems associated with the car — noise and air pollution, injury and death, congestion and the decline of traditional street uses — were starkly apparent by the second decade of the century, even in a city where car ownership was a tiny fraction of what it was in First World cities of the West.

Even parking faced a crisis by the late s. Relatively few cars had a rather outsized impact on the city and its functions. Rio continued to follow the pattern set down in the nineteenth century by turning over collective transit to private firms. By the late s, private bus companies joined the streetcars in a system that proved highly inefficient as routes overlapped.

Without public transit or central planning, the result was chaos. But the primary problem was again one of favoring the private automobile, whose growing numbers clogged the streets and whose parking occupied sometimes three or more usable traffic lanes. In a sense, if the automobile helped eliminate many of the former street uses, movement itself was poorly regulated, and the city treated the streets as an open access resource that anyone with a machine was welcome to try to use.

Historia da Cinema Brasileira. They are truly nostalgic for the non-automotive street, something often depicted in national literature, television, and film. In recent years, street carnival has begun to make something of a local comeback, with all the energy and spontaneity that it had last century. In times of political upheaval, too, Cariocas are not shy about taking the streets back, but they understand as well as any culture that in their day-to-day lives, the car has taken away some of the conviviality and communal spontaneity they see as an essential part of their culture.

In fact, residents associated its unimproved condition with its status as common. Lefebvre himself posits the same thing. However, over time, as he also suggests, the street became a resource whose benefits were increasingly steered toward a minority elite who could afford the possession of a new technology.

Forest service bureaucracies and other state institutions were therefore established to regulate forest uses. Sometimes the prized resources, in this case trees, were conserved sustainably, and sometimes they were not, but the central reality was that poor and indigenous peoples lost direct access to the resource and its associated employments. The transition exhibited stops and starts, resistance, and setbacks, but the trend was unmistakably in favor of the technologically enhanced elite.

A number of scholars, including John R. As a personal object that occupies as much space on the ground as an elephant, it has become the proverbial elephant in the room, so ubiquitous in our cities that urban residents fail to see its outsized impact. The car was built to move people. In Rio, it has been a particular failure on that count. Because the car had been given priority of place in Rio de Janeiro, its streets were no longer the quintessential logradouro, a place to freely use and enjoy, a place in which Brazilians invented and reinvented some of their most characteristic and dynamic cultural expressions, such as samba and soccer, to name just two that went on to international fame.

A spatial approach to the car lays bare how limited many of our contemporary solutions to the problem of the car are. They have reopened the commons by excluding the car, seeking uses and possibilities that can only thrive in the absence or diminishment of the machine in demarcated urban public spaces. Werneck Lima, Avenida Presidente Vargas: Almanaque Brasileiro Garnier, vol.

Geographical Review 23pp. Lay, The Ways of the World. Album de vistas, panoramas, paisagens, monumentos, costumes etc Imagens do Rio de Janeiro, —, Rio de Janeiropp. Careta, 26 February Noronha Santos, Meios de transporte no Rio de Janeiro: There had been growing antipathy toward the streetcar, and it was in fact banned from Central Avenue, but not for the sake of traffic.

It was considered a noisy, plebeian, and unhygienic contraption that had no place on a grand public space. Agache at least considered imposing taxes on automobiles as well to reduce traffic, a suggestion city officials ignored. Fon Fon, 17 May Fon Fon, 4 April Fon Fon, 9 August Statistics for the city in this period, as in previous ones, can be conflicting. A Plan for Development, Athensp. He claims that in there were only 64, private cars in the city with little growth untilbut then an average rate of 12 percent growth per annum until In alone, the number of cars grew by 40 percent.

Atos do poder executivo, decretos-leis de Julho a Setembro, Rio de Janeiropp. Revista Municipal de Engenharia, Julyp. Automotive legislation remained within city jurisdictions until when Vargas nationalized vehicular law. Romance americano do anno deRio de Janeiropp. Um dos grandes problemas da cidade: Fon Fon, 7 March Another theme of the present issue also has to do with consumption: His article suggests how this could be done and gives a broad overview of the literature on work and consumption — fields of research which have, in the past, generally been considered in isolation from one another.

An integrative German perspective is again the focus of the article by Jens Gieseke. Being of course unable to simply travel to the GDR and conduct surveys there, Western opinion pollsters proceeded in a roundabout way — by interviewing West German citizens who had recently visited the GDR and asking them about the attitudes of the East Germans with whom they had been in contact. Such assumption-based information obtained through intermediaries is clearly problematic.

Web History and the Web as a Historical Source | Zeithistorische Forschungen

Nevertheless, the long-term perspective of the interviews reveals some interesting trends, such as a marked reduction in the degree to which the GDR population identified with the state socialist system in the s.

While caution should be exercised in assuming a direct causal link with the events of autumnthe findings do go some way towards explaining the longer term erosion of the SED regime and the changing values within GDR society.

Quinn Slobodian addresses East-West relations over a much wider geographical expanse: He investigates the fascination that communist China and Vietnam held for West German feminists after