Callimachus Aetia | Dickinson College Commentaries
Callimachus: Aetia: introduction, text, translation, and commentary contents, date, literary aspects, and its function in the cultural and historical context of. By exaggerating the antiquity of the historian, Callimachus presents himself as a Given the rough date of the Aetia, it is equally valid—if not preferable—to Callimachus and New Ancient Histories», Aitia [Online], | , Online since . Callimachus' Aetia was the most influential of his poems in antiquity, Date. The dating of Books I and II is not secure. Books III and IV must fall early in the reign.
Callimachus (3), of Cyrene, 'Battiades', Greek poet and scholar - Oxford Classical Dictionary
He was named after his grandfather, an "elder" Callimachus, who was highly regarded by the Cyrenaean citizens and had served as a general. Callimachus married the daughter of a Greek man called Euphrates who came from Syracuse.
However, it is unknown if they had children. He also had a sister called Megatime but very little is known about her: In later years, he was educated in Athens. When he returned to North Africahe moved to Alexandria. Works[ edit ] A papyrus of Callimachus' Aetia Pfeiffer fr. During the Hellenistic period, a major trend in Greek-language poetry was to reject epics modelled after Homer. Instead, Callimachus urged poets to "drive their wagons on untrodden fields," rather than following in the well worn tracks of Homer, idealizing a form of poetry that was brief, yet carefully formed and worded, a style at which he excelled.
Callimachus also wrote poems in praise of his royal patrons such as Ptolemy II Philadelphus and a wide variety of other poetic styles, as well as prose and criticism.
Due to Callimachus' strong stance against the epic, he and his younger student Apollonius of Rhodeswho favored epic and wrote the Argonauticahad a long and bitter feud, trading barbed comments, insults, and personal attacks for over thirty years.
- Poetic Memory
- Callimachus: Aetia
Their common preference for the small cup over large Thracian-style gulps has programmatic implications. This staged sympotic conversation simulates traditional oral transmission at the expense of the actual written authority, just as the imagined conversation with the Muses does elsewhere in the first two books.
The Iciaca of the Atthidographer is, so to speak, anthropomorphized into the Ician stranger at the house of an Athenian. The opening of the episode depicts the festivals described by the Atthides as well-known and predictable. It is a pivotal moment when the Callimachean narrator abstains from providing the aetia of well-known Athenian traditions, and gives his attention instead to the more mysterious traditions of Icus.
At its core, it is a scene about the interaction between and appreciation of diverse local Greek cultures. In this respect, the Atthidographer who looked also to Icus serves as a model for Callimachus. Throughout the Aetia the poet refuses to be confined to any myopic perspective or parochial tradition, and instead represents himself as devoted to encountering new and unfamiliar local stories and making connections among them.
Fraser, Ptolemaic Alexandria, I Only a single line from this latter section survives, but the Florentine scholiast provides a summary of the scene. According to the scholiast, the scholarly narrator recounts three different traditions about their parentage: The Muse instead maintains that they are the children of Dionysus and the Naxian nymph Coronis.
It was this later prose Argolica of Dercylus that Callimachus likely used as a source here and elsewhere in the poem. It is far more likely that the Muse explains the genealogy simply and on her own authority, as she and her sisters do in their other preserved scenes.
Die Rezeption der hesiodischen Dichtung dur They provide the fundamental discussion The first aetion, however, evokes this diversity as well, though on more modest scale than the Prologue. Callimachus forecasts what will often be his practice throughout the Aetia, as the local stories he selects regularly present to his readers visions of their cultural past that redefine or even challenge mainstream Greek views of ancient history.
Libro terzo e quarto, Pisa, F. Only the first line and two damaged lines from the conclusion of the episode about the young Melicertes have survived fr. The opening is an address to Melicertes: The few indications we have suggest that Callimachus is poised to tell the well-attested story of the mother and son.
With this tale the poet not only passes over the Isthmian Games, but he also implicitly invalidates the conventional history of their foundation. Instead, as with the genealogy of the Charites, traditional mytho-history is here contradicted by a local source. Perhaps we may read such doubts as a dramatized reflection of the difficulties faced by a poet when there are no Muses present to testify to the validity of a tale.
The modern source for this allegedly old tale here assumes the same ancient pedigree as the stories his history recounts. Rather than provide the expected account, Callimachus reveals to them an alternative version of the ancient past of which they were presumably unaware, and compels his readers to reevaluate their own knowledge of their mytho-historical past.
And this love of yours, Cean, we heard from old Xenomedes, who once set down all the island in a mytho-historical record, 71 beginning with how it was inhabited by Corcyrean nymphs, whom a great lion had driven away from Parnassus because of this they also called the island Hydrussaand then [telling] how the son?
In his wax tablets the old man [Xenomedes] put hubris and lightning death, and wizard Telchines, and Demonax, who foolishly disregarded the blessed gods, and old Macelo, mother of Dexithea, the only two people the gods left unscathed when they overthrew the island for its sinful hubris.
And blended with these, O Cean [Acontius], that old man Xenomedes, lover of truth, told of your sharp love. Callimachus represents himself as following the model of ancient Xenomedes in terms of his approach to historical subject matter. The selective summary highlights several mythical and historical moments that coincide with elements found throughout the Aetia.
Three of the most common types of episodes in the poem are those that present unusual local rituals, narrate punishments for crimes especially those against hospitalityand represent expansion through colonization and city foundation.
The sacrifices of the Carians and Leleges to Zeus Alalaxius, accompanied by the sound of trumpets 60—62correspond in their singularity to such distinctive local rituals as those on Paros fr. The destruction of nearly the entire population of Ceos coincides with the plague sent by Apollo against Argos in the story of Linus and Coroebus fr. There are multiple parallels to the early colonization of Ceos 62—63 and the later foundation of the Cean Tetrapolis 70—74particularly the foundations and settlements that resulted from the Argonautic expedition Polae, fr.
Other interests reflected in the Aetia, such as the original names of places and the changing of these names, also appear here as Cean civilization advances 58, 62— Even the one story both historian and poet share, that of Acontius and Cydippe, is matched in the Aetia by the story of Phrygius and Pieria fr. Callimachus presents Xenomedes as treating the e The Cean chronicle, as presented by Callimachus, was restricted in its subject matter to those events that occurred on or pertained to Ceos.
Lavoie for their invaluable advice and As part of the development of this locally-based Panhellenism, mytho-historical elements and stories that had long served as representatives of traditional Panhellenism are enfolded into local tales. The origin of the Olympics is included in an episode that centers on the nuptial rites of the Eleans fr.