Philippine Drug War - Wikipedia
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Now there are three million drug addicts. He explained, "It's not really that I said something wrong but rather they don't really want you to tinker with the memory".
The officer said that he had personally been involved in killing 87 suspects, and described how the corpses had their heads wrapped in masking tape with a cardboard placard labelling them as a drug offender so that the killing would not be investigated, or they were dumped at the roadside "salvage" victims.
According to police, the group were heavily armed and opened fire on police, who found sachets of methamphetamine at the scene. No police were injured. A police spokesman said they had not been informed. The president of the National Union of People's Lawyers, Edre Olalia, told local broadcaster TV5 that the police version of events was "too contrived".
He pointed out that a search warrant is not required to search a jail cell. They [drug users] will multiply. When harvest time comes, there will be more of them who will die. Then I will include you among them because you let them multiply. They also stated that police reports of killings are "remarkably similar", involving a "buy-bust" operation in which the suspect panics and shoots at the officers, who return fire, killing the suspect, and report finding a packet of white powder and a.
The figures pose a powerful challenge to the official narrative that the Philippines police are only killing drug suspects in self-defense. These statistics and other evidence amassed by Reuters point in the other direction: Amnesty International investigation[ edit ] On January 31,Amnesty International published a report of their investigation of 59 drug-related killings in 20 cities and towns, "If you are poor you are killed": Quezon on the issue of independence for the Philippines.
Working alongside William A. Jones of Virginia, the new chairman of the House Committee on Insular Affairs, Quezon readied an independence bill he hoped to show voters back home in time for the upcoming territorial elections. The Resident Commissioner knew that as much as Democrats wanted to divest America of the Philippines they would not rush the separation; so, he designed legislation H.
The crux of his new plan would swap the U. Quezon of the Philippines and President Woodrow Wilson. Over the winter of —, Quezon teamed up with Frank McIntyre, chief of the Bureau of Insular Affairs, to put his new ideas into bill form.
The Resident Commissioner came away with the understanding that, although Wilson sympathized with the Philippines, the White House would not support immediate independence nor would it hamstring the administration by fixing a date for independence. Within two weeks, Quezon testified before the Senate Committee on the Philippines and pointed out that his support for the bill was a huge political gamble. The stable government clause, however, remained problematic.
Inan election year, Democrats, including Wilson, started to walk back their support for gradual independence.
The Philippines, 1898–1946
Eventually, Senator James Clarke of Arkansas offered an amendment to give the Philippines its independence in four years or less. The Senate cleared the amendment by one vote in early February. The Clarke amendment would free the Philippines almost immediately, but such a truncated timeline could bring large-scale economic and social unrest.
But if he opposed the amendment and the bill died, all his work would be for nothing. In a marathon session on May 1,Quezon and Jones urged House Democrats to vote for the new version.
With Quezon looking on, Wilson signed it into law on August 29, Independence remained a driving force in Manila, but in Washington, Philippine Resident Commissioners had to navigate between Republican and Democratic administrations that came down on different sides of the independence debate. Often the Resident Commissioners had to fight to protect the gains in autonomy the islands had won over the years.
In the waning days of the Wilson administration, for instance, Resident Commissioner Jaime de Veyra and other pro-independence activists worked to speed up the independence process before Republican President-elect Warren G. As former chairman of the Senate Committee on the Philippines, Harding, like many Republicans, believed the United States should retain the islands indefinitely. Cameron Forbes, both opponents of independence, Harding assured the Resident Commissioners that he would make no policy decision until the commission submitted its report.
Cameron Forbes with determining whether the Philippines was fit for self-rule. As Wood tried to consolidate power, the division between Philippine and American officials only widened. Lawmakers, backed by a negative propaganda campaign designed to curb Philippine autonomy and led largely by U. Whatever policy Congress designed, however, would depend on the support of the insular government in Manila.
As a coalition of U. With Guevara watching, the House approved the bill in a landslide vote, to Although the Senate sat on the bill until after the fall elections, it passed on December 17, A conference committee swiftly changed the transition period to 10 years, and by the end of the month, both the House and Senate had cleared the new version.
Almost immediately a struggle for power on the islands derailed it.
For much ofthe governing Partido Nacionalista had fractured into those for and those against the independence bill. Those against it were led by former Resident Commissioner Manuel Quezon, perhaps the most powerful official in Manila.
At that point, he became a fierce critic of the Hare— Hawes—Cutting bill. Ultimately, Quezon prevailed and solidified his position in the Philippines when the insular government rejected the measure.
Philippine passport - Wikipedia
He initially received a chilly reception from the new Franklin D. House of Representatives About this object Alabama Representative John McDuffiepictured here, and Maryland Senator Millard Tydings authored legislation during the 73rd Congress — that brought about Philippine independence after a year transition period.
After a few days of intense debate, both houses of Congress approved the new version built largely on the framework of Hare—Hawes—Cutting, including the year transition period to independence. President Roosevelt signed it into law on March 24, The Philippines then held a referendum on the new constitution and an island-wide plebiscite on independence. Philippine voters approved the package by huge margins. The law replaced the governor general with an American high commissioner, and it changed how the Philippines was represented on the Hill.
Since the insular legislature had elected two Resident Commissioners, but the new law provided for only one and empowered the new Philippine president to appoint that person directly. Tydings—McDuffie also set graduated tariff rates on Philippine goods so that, by the time the islands became independent, they would have to pay the rates in full.
Elizalde standing, left to rightwatch as President Franklin D. Roosevelt signs a bill that adjusted duties on Philippine goods.
But exactly when those full tariffs would go into effect remained unclear. Among its many findings, the JPC recommended phasing in full tariff rates over 15 years, giving the Philippine economy five extra years to grow after independence.
But the Senate and especially Tydings, who took it as a personal affront, greeted the report with disdain. FDR signed the bill into law on August 7, Hausserman right in Washington, DC, in Economics, of course, was not the only looming concern as independence approached.