Amy Adams - Wikipedia
And the party don't start till I walk in | Amy Richardson is pinning about Thriller, Goat cheese, Milkshakes, Tortellini, Slime, Apple pie and more. The author, Amy Richardson, contributed to project design, application for 8 . uses multiple empirical studies but the sample is purposive rather than Service Framework guidelines for modernising mental health services (DOH, detail, ask you to sign a consent form and arrange a date and time for the interview. Dec 20, John Ritter and Amy Yasbeck met back in the s when they were filming Sadly, in , Ritter died on set of “8 simple Rules for Dating My Teenage Liam Neeson and Natasha Richardson were married for 15 years.
She was not academically inclined, but was interested in the creative arts and sang in the school choir. She competed in track and gymnastics, harbored ambitions of becoming a ballerinaand trained as an apprentice at the local David Taylor Dance Company. Dinner theater and early screen appearances Adams began her professional career as a dancer in a dinner theater production of A Chorus Line in Boulder, Colorado. She enjoyed singing and dancing, but disliked waitressing and ran into trouble when a fellow dancer, whom she considered a friend, made false accusations about her to the director.
I only knew I kept getting called in and lectured about my lack of professionalism. My body was wearing out. Club wrote that Adams plays her "alpha-bitch role with vicious glee largely missing from Sarah Michelle Gellar's sterile take on the character". The film raised her confidence. She was unemployed for a year after its release, leading her to almost quit film acting.
Vegasbut she was dropped after a few episodes. Breakthrough with Junebug and Enchanted Disillusioned by her firing from Dr. Vegas, Adams, at 30 years old, considered looking for an alternative career after finishing work on the sole project she was signed to.
Morrison was impressed by Adams's ability to not question her character's inherently good motives. A ballgown that she had to wear for the film weighed 45 pounds, and Adams fell several times under its weight. Adams was attracted to the idea of playing someone who constantly tries to better herself.
Stephen Holden of The New York Times drew similarities to her role in Enchanted and wrote that the "screen magic" she displays in such endearing roles "hasn't been this intense since the heyday of Jean Arthur ".
The production tells the story of a Catholic school principal played by Meryl Streep who accuses a priest played by Philip Seymour Hoffman of pedophilia ; Adams features as an innocent nun embroiled in the conflict.
Conversely, the prehistoric archaeology of the region has largely been addressed in concordance with culture-history models, zoning areas based exclusively on the distribution of certain aspects of material culture, as in the cases of the Adriatic culture Cianfarani et al. Whilst material culture was inevitably a reflection of trading patterns, availability and spheres of influence, the interpretation of such material as a passive reflection of ethnicity has been discredited Jones Furthermore, the indications of such studies are that such expressions of ethnic similarities and difference may be more deliberately and emphatically exerted in response to political and economic stress Hodder Nevertheless, we do not have conclusive evidence for the Samnites defining themselves in this way, or even at a tribal level, prior to the Social War in 91 B.
In fact, Oscan inscriptions on two helmets from the fourth century specify the communities from which their owners herald, but omit the tribe or ethnic to which they are designated in the historical sources Tagliamonte Dichotomy between history and archaeology The divisions between the histories and the archaeology are readily apparent. For decades, the search has continued to find corroborative evidence for the historical sources.
The most comprehensive work on Samnium and the Samnites, by E. Salmon, was in many ways faithful to the Livian notions of the noble barbarian, eking out a sparse living in the hills and valiantly defending his rocky territories Salmon The might of the Samnite forces are likely to have been exaggerated in order to elevate the victories of the Roman army.
Nevertheless, these concepts of warrior have continued to dominate the archaeological research and have been supported by evidence from burials, such as the large quantities of armour and weaponry found at sixth and fifth century B. Although such burials appear to echo the historical image of a warrior society, they should not be assumed to be conclusive evidence of this notion. Weaponry was accorded to infants and to adults who would have been incapable of participating in warfare, through injury, disability or illness, whilst some of those who appear to have sustained injury through conflict receive Figure 2: The studies have Museo Nazionale Archeologico further indicated that there is no positive correlation between di Chieti Schneider-Herrmann weapon burials and increased military activity discussed inPl.
Statues, such as that found at Capestrano, Abruzzo, from the second half of the sixth century B. Imagery from the red-figure pottery of Campania and Apulia displays attributes which were iconic of the central- Italian warrior, and the Samnite, in particular.
Suano ; Romito Following centuries of conflict and tension, at the end of the Social War, these peoples eventually attained Roman citizenship but their wholesale adoption of a Roman identity is as questionable in Italy as it is for the peoples of western Empire, though it has not been Figure 3: Bail amphora, Rheinbach, the subject of such heated debate see Menozzi ; Koch coll.
Walters sub-group Schneider- Wallace-Hadrill ; for the Empire: Mattingly ; Herrmann Keay and Terrenato The notion that the peoples of Italy simply replaced one identity with another is as far-fetched in the Italian peninsula as it was in the provinces.
Even in the excavation of necropolis sites from the preceding period, prominence has been given to men, and particularly the warrior graves, seeking a precursor to the force with which the Roman armies clashed.
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Where such evidence has not been recovered, the sites have, in the past, been limited in their scale of publication and the academic recognition they have received. Progressively in the Italian studies of such sites, a more objective approach is being taken, but this has not yet redressed the balance of the warrior emphasis of the past and theoretical questions have not yet been systematically applied to the material. Dichotomy between men and women The most significant division that has occurred as a result of this literature-led research has been the neglect of those other than adult males in the archaeology of the region.
The dichotomy Amy Richardson in the treatment of men and women has had a wholly negative effect on the course of study. Although, in some cases, loomweights and spindle-whorls are recovered from female burials, the proportion in which these occur is relatively small. Dismissive attitudes to women have dominated studies of this region, regarding them as outside of the political and military sphere and, therefore, having little bearing on history.
Salmon referred to the women of Samnium as: Tagliamonte has more recently recognised the centralism of the role women played in society, as the perpetuators of familial groups Tagliamonte Recent excavations published by the Molise soprintendenze have begun to address the articulation of women and children in mortuary contexts, at sites such as Gildone and San Giuliano di Puglia Macchiarda ; Di Niro However, no synthetic approach has explored these themes across a range of sites.
It would seem likely that the importance placed on the historically documented Samnite Wars has led to an overshadowing of women in the archaeological record. Yet when one looks at the archaeological record, women are not more negligible than their male counterparts. Those sites which pre-date the Wars provide the opportunity to examine the Samnite outside of Roman and androcentric philosophies.
The emerging indigenous models, which were taken from the sixth and fifth centuries, during the period of state formation, into the battles for power in central Italy of the fourth and third centuries, shed light on the complexity of tribal communities which were curtailed in their development by Roman hegemony. And their nature can only be comprehended if we address social structures as a whole, redressing historical gender biases.
When making use of the evidence that archaeology provides, the potential values of material culture must be examined. Symbolic schemes in material culture, where they are used, may refer not only to inter- but also intra-group divisions. Ethnographic studies have revealed, in a variety of contexts, that identity is expressed through dress, particularly in the dress and adornment of women such as those by Eicher and Erekosima ; Sumberg In archaeological studies, it has been observed that conservatism and preservation of local stylistic attributes in material culture are more frequently features of artefacts associated with women rather than men Swift This can be attributable, for the most part, to the mobility of men in communities where freedoms belong more predominantly to the male population.
Where some sites in southern Italy appear to conform to these stereotypes, such as that at San Giuliano di Puglia, the archaic necropolis at Morgantina has yielded evidence for gender largely following traditional social roles, but with some burials transcending these divisions Di Niro ; Lyons It would appear that gender is not necessarily explicitly represented in the burial assemblage, which, instead, represents a host of concepts related to the funerary ideologies of a community and not necessarily the activities of the living.
The necropolis at Alfedena, on the margins of the Carricini and the Pentri identified as ancient Aufidena by some, referred to in Livy: X, 9was partially excavated in the nineteenth century and led to the publication of around burials Mariani Subsequent excavations in the locality of Campo Consolino, during the s, revealed a further burials from the later Amy Richardson sixth and fifth centuries B.
Recurring patterns of symbolic schemes, regarding sex and age in the archaeological record, may be observed in a necropolis and then compared, in this case, between geographically and chronologically close sites. These comparisons of funerary ideologies may, in turn, reveal cultural affiliations and differentiations in expression within the region. The Samnite vicus at San Vincenzo, in the territory of the Pentri, has been identified by pottery scatters covering some 10 hectares in the locality of modern Castel San Vincenzo Bowden et al.
This site has not been conclusively identified as one of those mentioned in the historical sources, but from its location we know that it would have been situated close to the borders with the Volsci, the Marsi and Paeligni.
A single Sabellian-Samnite belt was found in later levels, which would indicate a possibility of richer male graves in the area, but conclusive evidence has not yet been found Bowden et al. However, this sample is very small; a high frequency of cranial trauma at Alfedena, for the same period, particularly amongst adult males, is indicative of violence within the region Paine et al. Excavations at the San Vincenzo New Abbey in and revealed two small groups of Samnite burials in the cloisters and atrium, which have been studied in detail, with work carried out on the skeletal remains.
Preliminary work on the remains from Alfedena has established the sex for many of the skeletons and some age categories, although the published data are less detailed than that from San Vincenzo Parise Badoni and Ruggeri Giove In most cemetery excavations from this region, such scientific analysis has not been carried out.
The identification of women in un-sexed remains, using only grave goods, is justifiably criticised for the subtleties in gender divisions which it may obscure. These sample sites may be able to illuminate the associations of grave goods with either sex, or portraying certain gendered values, which could assist us further with gender studies in central Italian necropolis sites, particularly when re-assessing those excavated in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, where skeletal analysis has not been possible.
At San Vincenzo, the 15 graves excavated, dating to the late sixth and early fifth centuries B. The excavated burials contained 16 skeletons, including that of a foetus either pre- or perinatal on the abdomen of a young woman.
Evidence for spinning and weaving is sparse on the site. Two spindle-whorls have been recovered from the burial assemblages, one from the grave of the young pregnant woman Grave 59, SF and one from the grave of an adolescent female, who received a comparatively great wealth of objects at burial Grave 98, SF Of the 14 aged skeletons, six have been identified as certain, or likely, females.
Considering that these women are all post-pubescent, only one third receive these artefacts apparently so symbolic of their domestic labours. Furthermore, at Alfedena only a single spindle-whorl was recovered, and that from a small grave cut with no human remains Parise Badoni and Ruggeri Giove This may be the product of a poor survival record. Certainly spindles would have been commonly made from wood or bone, and the whorls could be made from a variety of perishable and non-perishable materials, including wood, ceramic and bone, as seen in Roman Britain Wild Objects of personal adornment survive more commonly in the graves, with iron and bronze frequently included in one form or another.
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These less functional and, presumably, more valuable objects are constructed from enduring, less easily obtained materials, and perhaps invested with greater prominence than those of spinning and weaving. Composite iron and bronze fibula from Figure 6: Alfedena Tomb 31 Bedini et al.
The fibulae at both sites occur in male and female graves alike, yet there are significant differences in their use. Where fibulae feature in the male graves at San Vincenzo, they appear to be included in pairs, whereas in the female graves, the numbers are more variable.
There is a greater conservatism in the fibulae associated with men at Alfedena also, though they are most frequently buried at the larger site with a single fibula or none at all. In San Vincenzo Grave 98, a total of 30 large fibulae fragments were identified, placed horizontally on the body.
These are suggested to have been too impractical for daily adornment and primarily reserved for funerary use Bowden et al. The fibulae at Alfedena support this suggestion, with large iron fibulae reaching up to 20 cm in length. Almost one fifth of the fibulae present at San Vincenzo have composite arches, which combine bronze and iron in elaborate forms or have Amy Richardson simple arches with highly adorned catch-plates Fig.
There is no indication of rectangular or composite iron and bronze brooches in any of the male graves in this sample.
It would appear that the more elaborate fibulae forms were reserved exclusively for female adornment at San Vincenzo al Volturno, though similar examples of composite brooches appear associated with men as well as women at Alfedena, as seen in Tomb 31 Fig.
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Ceramics and fibulae are, in a basic sense, gender neutral. This would be understandable in their utilisation by both sexes.Best of 8 Simple Rules (All Seasons)
Furthermore they are not exclusively age assigned. However, non-functional items, particularly those of adornment, show a greater alignment with gender in the San Vincenzo al Volturno excavated assemblages Table 1.
Beads and pendants appear in both male and female graves, but chains, rings and spindle-whorls, all of which appear in more than one grave, are exclusive to skeletons identified as female in this sample.
Pendants, beads and the torque recovered from San Vincenzo all came from contexts of individuals under the age of 30, from those of young children to those of young adults. Furthermore, children rarely receive more than simply the functional objects, with the exception of Gravewhere beads are substituted for the ceramic assemblage. Presence and absence of artefact types at San Vincenzo al Volturno. Male x x Cloisters 56? Ceramics, fibulae and pendants occur in both male and female burials, as do chains, finger-rings and bracelets.
Objects made from bronze or iron occur in both contexts. However, in this much larger sample, an analysis of the materials used reveals that the combination of objects made from iron, those made from bronze and those made from a composite of the two have subtly gendered relationships, with an overall bias towards iron for men and bronze for women Fig.
Although the composite fibulae feature in both the male and female dress repertoires, for the most part they were included with women and comparatively few with men or children. Curiously, the combinations of metals seem to relate more closely to gender than the metals in isolation.